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Assassination of ‘Uthman
As objections against 'Uthman were gradually intensified, some men explicitly used to stand up before 'Uthman in mosque and object to him. 'Uthman was obliged to use violence so as to calm them and this, in turn, would lead to more clash on the part of them. To 'Urwa Ibn Zubayr, I witnessed that 'Uthman entered the mosque. Some people surrounded him and called him Na'thal, old stupid man.
Then, 'Uthman went up the pulpit and began to speak. Jahjah Ibn Sa'd Ghifari who was among those who swore allegiance to his family began to object. At the same time, the circumstances turned in a way that 'Uthman could not continue to speak, so he came down the pulpit and Sahl Ibn Hunayf said Friday prayer on that day. [812]
Once objections against 'Uthman heightened, some Kufiyans and Egyptians departed for Medina at the request of the companions alongside in protest against the Umayya rulers of these cities. This crowd was headed by 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Udays Balawi who was among those who swore allegiance to his family, [813]together with Muhammad Ibn Abi Hudhayfa. Ibn Shubba also carried a letter written by the Egyptians to 'Uthman prior to going to Medina.
They notified the necessity for implementing the divine orders with regard to the Qur'anic verses saying, You are claimant for being rightful to be obeyed by us, whereas based on Qur'an, obedience to the one who disobeys Allah is not permissible. If you obey Allah, in consequence, we'll soon find out that you have it in mind to perish yourself along with. [814]
'Uthman sent 'Ammar there in order to calm the Egyptians. However, he was unaware that 'Ammar himself after being sent to Egypt instigated people against 'Uthman. In the wake of 'Ammar's driving out, some people reckoned to be about 400 to 700 came into Medina. This group visited 'Uthman and his representative and set forth their demands as follows.
Firstly, to return on-exile persons. Secondly, to pay the deprived's rights. Thirdly, to act upon Qur'an and the deprived's rights. 'Uthman repented officially towards them and warned them to avert disunity. [815]
In terms of 'Uthman's agreements, a mutual treaty was written between 'Uthman and Imam 'Ali who was made as an ambassador between people and caliph. Five clauses were laid out in this very treaty, among which three have been mentioned above, and the forth one is to observe justice in distributing and employing people who are worthy and strong enough to manage the affairs. Then, a number of the companions attested to this treaty. [816]
This very action resulted in the Egyptians' return.
Another cultural city for opponents was Kufa. Sa'd Ibn 'As wrote to 'Uthman saying that some people who call themselves “readers” and are indeed stupid have thrashed my chief-police and thereby looked down on me.
'Uthman answered, “Send them to Syria in order that they might fight a war.”
After being sent to Syria, they got to grips with Mu'awiya. Hence, this induced Mu'awiya to send them to Hims. Yet, after a while since Sa'd Ibn 'As was sent away from Kufa by people, they came back to Kufa. It was then the Kufiyans enumerated 'Uthmans' mistakes through a letter. This very letter together with the Egyptians' letter is an indicative of the extent to which people made effort to shed light on caliph's mind not withstanding that 'Uthman never catch on the fact.
The Kufiyans' letter was brought to Medina by Abu Rabi' at al-'Anzi. Thereafter through a letter by 'Uthman, Sa'd was ordered to give him twenty lashes and exile him to Damawand mount. [817]
Once the Egyptians returned to their own city, they met a horsman called Yuhanna and was 'Uthman's slave who was riding rapidly to Egypt, they hold him and grabbed a letter from him. The letter had been sealed by 'Uthman and addressed to 'Abd Allah Ibn Sa'd. as a matter of fact, he was ordered by 'Uthman to kill some protesters and put some others into prison and …
This provoked protesters to return to Medina angrily. After coming back to Medina, first of all they went to Imam 'Ali (a) who was the mediator of peace. Imam took their letter to 'Uthman. But 'Uthman swore that he has not written the letters; besides, he is kept uninformed of it. It is interesting to mention that the Umayyads and even 'Uthman himself blamed Imam by stating, He has written the letter so as to incite the people against caliph. [818] Word came that the Egyptians have Kufa and 100 people from Basra came to Medina and besieged 'Uthman.
As Zuhri states, “I asked Sa'd Ibn Musayyib, How was 'Uthman killed and why did the companions downgrade him?”
He replied, “Once 'Uthman was in power, a discontent befell some of the companions, for he liked his own family, typically, he set an abundance of those who were not reckoned among the companions to work.”
In consequence, his action gave rise to a hatred among the companions. In the second six-year term of caliphate, 'Uthman got the Umayya to take control of affairs; furthermore, he appointed 'Abd Allah Ibn Sa'd to Egypt. Yet, the latter created an obligation on the part of the Egyptians. As a matter of fact, prior to this, 'Uthman had also some contacts with 'Abd Allah Ibn Mas'ud, Abudhar and 'Ammar which resulted in discontent on part of their tribes.
Then, the Egyptians arrived in Medina. Imam 'Ali (a) acted as an intermediary between them, thus it was determined that another figure will take the position of 'Abd Allah Ibn Sa'd, namely Muhammad Ibn Abi Bakr. 'Uthman signed for his sainthood and then they left the place. They met a horseman on the way who was carrying a letter concerning caliph's bitter instruction to 'Abd Allah Ibn Sa'd. it was then all the protesters returned to Medina angrily.
Then, all the Medinans vented their wrath on 'Uthman; moreover, as for the people, public complex concerning what befell 'Ammar, Abudhar and 'Abd Allah Ibn Mas'ud developed. Imam 'Ali along with a number of people went to 'Uthman. The handwriting indicated that the letter had been written by Marwan. Then, the protesters asked 'Uthman to hand over Marwan who is ordering to carnage so dauntlessly. However, 'Uthman avoided doing so. This very action caused people to besiege 'Uthman and shop him having water. [819]
A noteworthy point is that dissenters did not think of caliph's assassination from the beginning. Rather, in the list stage they pled him to be dethroned. However, 'Uthman refused to be dethroned. It was the first time that caliph's dethronement was spoken. The caliph, in what case, can dethrone himself or do the others have the right to do so?
Such an issue was repeatedly posed during the caliphate history. But historically it was first raised when rebels asked 'Uthman to dethrone. 'Uthman, in response to their suggestion, said that God has granted caliphate to him and he is not willing to abdicate.
Quoting him, the Messenger (S) said to him, “O 'Uthman! God will put a garment on you and hypocrites of dethronement will ask you for it, don't take it off until you join me.” [820]
This hadith is definitely a forged one and ascribed to 'Uthman and the Messenger (S). But 'Uthman, in essence, believed that caliphate is garment God put him on and he is not willing to take it off. Such a thing indicated that 'Uthman, by linking Caliphate to God, intends to deny public vole and their decision upon his dethronement.
When 'Uthman was suggested dethronement, he said, “Even if I'm beheaded, I'll never abdicate.” [821]
'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar said, “He asked me in the time of 'Uthman's siege, “What do you think of Mughira Ibn Akhnas's suggestion?”
He said, “They want you to dethrone unless you'll be murdered so you should leave it to them.”
'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar said, “I told 'Uthman, is there anything more important than your murder unless you dethrone?”
He replied, “No.”
I said, “To me, you'd better not include such an innovation in Islam that every time a group of rebels revolt in an aim to dethrone their emir; don't take the garment of God has put you on!” [822]
Some who laid siege are heard to say that we just intend to dethrone him not to murder him; 'Uthman said, “Not my dethronement but my murder.” [823]
When Egyptian opponents, on their way back, found 'Uthman's letter to 'Abd Allah Ibn Sa'd, in which he was ordered to bother, annoy and murder opposes, they turned back to Medina. 'Uthman said that the letter writer was not him and then the fact that the main culpable was Marwan Ibn Hakam was cleared up. He was asked by the opponents to dethrone due to his incapability in government administration, but he rejected. [824]
Muhammad Ibn Abi Bakr, later on, confirmed, “We wanted him to dethrone but he rejected.” [825]
According to another narration, 'Uthman sent for Malik Ashtar and asked him, “What do people want me?”
Malik said, “One of the two things, either to dethrone yourself and leave the caliphate for people or to retaliate yourself maybe it refers to the retaliation of annoyance done to Ibn Mas'ud, 'Ammar and others; otherwise, you'll be fighted.”
'Uthman said, “I shan't take the garment off God put me on. Abu Bakr and 'Umar were doing chastisement concerning retaliation and such a thing didn't exist. But in the case of my murder, you'll be in a lot of trouble.” [826]
During this time, 'Uthman asked different cities for help. He wrote a letter to people of Mecca to be read in 'Arafa Day. In aforesaid letter, he wrote, “I'm under siege and I've got no food but a trivial supply. I ajure everyone to whom my letter is read to hasten for my help.” [827]
'Ayisha was on her way to Hajj. Marwan was sent by 'Uthman to help him in people dispersion but she rejected. [828]
For forty days, 'Uthman was under siege and at last Friday early evening, the 18th Dhi l-Hajja, 35 A.H. he was murdered. His murderer's name is not exactly specified. Someone's name as Aswadan Ibn Hamran from Tujib in Egypt was cited. [829]
Kunana said, “I heard on Egyptian crying around 'Uthman's house that he murdered Na'thal but no one had anything to do with him.” [830]
Quoting 'Urwa, 'Uthman's corpse was in Hashsh Kawkab for three days but no one did prayer on it. [831] Afterwards, four people among whom were Jubayr Ibn Mut'im and Hukaym Ibn Hizam assembled and buried him there out of Baqi' by night. [832]
Ongoing Victories
Geographical extension of Islamic country was the major aim of second caliph. All the tribes were mobilized for this purpose and a great deal were sent to different areas. In this era, stabilization of Arab's rule over conquered areas in east and partly in west was the major action of victories. Alexandria, in 25 A.H., started revolution and made effort to rise up against Muslims by a hidden connection to Romans. Arabs, once more, obliged to conquer this city.
Riy citizens rebelled as well as Adharbayjan so Hudhayfa obliged to calm these areas by force. The gate of Ifriqiya was westerly opened in 26-7 A.H. and Islam was expanded to the heart of Africa. These areas were easily opened and their booties brought Islam a great capital. In 33 A.H., after the renewed revolution in this area and its renewed opening, its people became calm and tractable. But in Umayya's time, due to excessive pressure on them-in Hisham 'Abd al-Malik time-they rebelled. [833]
First in 29 A.H., Muslims were allowed to pass the sea and open the gate of Cyprus. People of Fars and Istakhr, in the year 29 A.H. started revolution and once more its gate was opened, in an attack, by Muslims. Muslims' first attacks on Tabaristan launched in 30 A.H. and through them, Gurgan was occupied.
Yazdgard, the last Sassanids king after a lot of vagrancy in 32 A.H. was murdered by a miller in Marw and his dynasty was overwhelmed forever. The gate of Khurasan, part of which has been conquered and once again rebelled, was opened. Iranian people being still inclined to accept Arab's rule, due to the lack of a definite leadership, rebelled temporarily.
But such revolutions comparing to Arab's strong and well-organized forces lacked resistance. In other words, since Iranian religious, tribal, and citizenship solidarity has been lost, it couldn't resist seriously. In the same years, people of Khurasan and Kirman violating their peace, were defeated in no time.
Effects of Victories and Islamic Community
Victories were undoubtedly considered as great changes for both Muslims and human world. This movement and its consequences induced great ethnic and religious changes in human world during 100 years and some centuries respectively. Great immigrations changed some areas ethnically and great religions were exposed to restriction. In addition to nearly a full- scale defeat of Zoroastrian religion, in west Christianity and in east Buddhist were grounded.
But the new religion conquered the inhabited quarter of the earth and its particular effect. In this regard, some issues should be taken into consideration. When the effects of victories for victorious Arabs are considered, we observe that the majority of Bedouins left their homes in Hijaz for conquered areas. Their only offering for these country was holy Qur'an and to some extent hadith.
Apart from these two, we face Arabs who got used to Bedouin but now have extreme money and wealth. In Peninsula, they lacked any government but now inherit Sassanids extensive government.
Culturally, possessing strict ethnic customs but, for the time being, Arabs in conquered regions encounter a new social and aristocratic life. Hereafter, in conquered lands, there is a sort of cultural duality and Arabs should stake out a clear stand against it. These people's existence cannot naturally be denied or compelled to endure Arabian life.
'Umar dissuated Arabs from imitation and turning into non-Arabs. Such a thing was difficult since most of the Arabs possessed Roman and Iranian slave-girls, they brought them children and a new generation was gradually forming.
'Umar made effort not only to keep them away from fighting against non-Arabs. The residents of conquered lands in Iraq and Iran were allowed to keep them but just pay their land-taxes to 'Umar. Not only leaving the lands for Arabs wasn't technically a right thing due to their lack of expertise, but it brought them about some political problems.
'Umar tried to back non-Arab aristocrats up. Like Arabs, a grant of bounty was determined for non-Arab aristocrats. Some shares like Firuz Ibn Yazdjird, Fulluja farmers, Hurmuzan, and Babul's farmer, Bastam Ibn Narsi have been mentioned. 'Umar considered his aim of doing this as the combination of people's (Iranian's) hearts through attracting aristocrats. [834]
But Arabs as a victorious and rightful nation were considered superior to others and 'Umar made every possible effort not to mix them with others. The presence of non-Arabs (considered as non-Arab unbelievers by 'Umar) by no means was allowed in Medina, the capital of Islamic country. [835]
'Umar was accidentally murdered by a non-Arab unbeliever had come to Medina through Mughira's intercession. His complaint when he was almost to die was, “Didn't I tell you not to have entrance of non-Arabs into Medina”. [836]
Additionally, he was to set free all the captives of wars against Arabs like Radda or the conquest of Iraq and Syria when the number of non-Arab captives was high. [837] He said, “Since God has opened the gates of non-Arab lands to us, it isn't worthwhile having Arab captives for we've got enough non Arab ones.” [838]
For this, a great deal of money was paid from public treasury to set non-Arab captives free. [839] For Arabs not to imitate non-Arabs, 'Umar ordered that no one had the right to speak in any language but Arabic. [840] It was forbidden for an Arab to dress in a non-Arab garment and for Arabs not to be mistaken with non-Arabs. [841]
To 'Umar, Arab Christians should be treated differently from non-Arab ones. [842] In his opinion, Arab was Islam substance [843] and in that time, it was certainly a true thing to be said. 'Umar wanted his rulers not to bother Arabs in their areas in one way or another to bring about their humiliation. [844]
The marriage of Arab women and non-Arabs were severely prohibited by 'Umar. [845] It disturbed him a lot when he learnt Nafi' Ibn Harith placed a non-Arab instead of himself to come to Medina. [846] Ma'mun said to a Nabataean (Nibti) who cried “Alas! 'Umar” in his time, ”'Umar believed that if an Arab is in lack of money and his neighbor is a Nabataean, he can sell him! This is 'Umar's biography, do you like to treat you according to it?” [847]
One time, made up his mind to propose marriage to 'Umar's daughter. It wasn't done for 'Umar's family came and wanted him to abdicate. [848] Meeting people, 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar said, “Peace be upon you.” But visiting a Negro, he said, “O Frog, peace be upon you.” [849] It was natural that later on, Khalid Ibn Safwan in the marriage contract of his slave-girl and a slave said, “God's name is superior than being mentioned in the marriage sermon of these two dogs. I announce this adulteress and adulterer, man and wife!” [850]
'Uthman, to some extent, followed the same policy. The most important factors bringing about destruction of Islamic Community, to 'Uthman, are as follow,ÊßÇãá ÇáäÚã¡ ÈáæÛ ÃæáÇÏßã ãä ÇáÓÈÇíÇ¡ ÞÑÇÁÉ ÇáÃÚÑÇÈ æÇáÃÚÇÌã ááÞÑÂä “Abundance, the new generation of captive mothers, and Qur'an recitation by non-Arabs.” [851]
Ethnic mixture in Arab brought some effects about which cannot be prevented. Arabs' possession of some tribal customs and their lack of a disciplined and regular culture were considered the major reasons. Meanwhile, Arab tribal structure strengthened through 'Umar's measure in forming Diwan based on ethnic system played a key role in the protection of Arab culture.
Setting Arab tribes was the aim of stabilization of pure Arab cities however very soon, captives of war and non-Arab immigrants settled there. These cities internally possessed some divided tribes and non-Arabs in there had got special parishes. These cities were distinctive from those in the past for they have been formed through Islamic and Arab features.
The number of Arab immigrants most of whom left Iraq for Iran was excessive. It is said that in Kufa, fifty thousand and twenty-four thousand houses were allocated to Rabi'a, Muďar and other Arabs respectively. In Imam 'Ali (a) time, the number of people whose names existed in Basra administration tribunal touched sixty thousands. [852]
The quick regional influence of Islam was considered as one of the important effects of Arab residence in Iran. In Adharbayjan, the expansion of Islam was the result of Arab residence there. Arabs bought a great deal of lands there and started a permanent residence. It is said that going to Adharbayjan, Ash'ath Ibn Qays observed a lot of Muslims reciting Qur'an. [853]
Arabs' other residence was Riy due to its significance. Arab cities were few, according to Ya'qubi. [854] Qazwin, because of its frontier significance with Diylam, was the residence of Arabs who left Kufa for this region. In al-Buldan, Ya'qubi considered human geography of cities, which is of great importance, in regard to Arab and non-Arab. [855]
According to some narrations, Qum was basically on Arab residence and some tribes like Ash'ari and Midhhaj settled there. After repeated victories different regions of Iran were permanent residences of Arabs. Meanwhile, unlike Egypt and north of Africa, Iran didn't turn into Arabian, on the contrary, its Arab residents gradually turned into Iranian.
Financially, victories greatly affected Muslims. Arabs, before Islam, severely suffered from economic deprivation. But after victories, they had a comfortable life resulted from booties abundance.
This issue brought about some particular ethnical consequences from which in Islamic community resulted constant corruption due to the lack of continuous training. Figuring out such conditions, 'Umar strictly made effort to keep noble men of companions away from comfort and extravagance. However, in 'Uthman's time, the society severely suffered from sedition and corruption for 'Uthman himself was an aristocrat and unable to control the situation.
The natural point was new community's lack of forces for religious teaching and learning. This problem was to some extent solved by companions but neither their number nor their knowledge can cover such an extensive land.
In 'Uthman's time, companions obtained a lot of wealth and clever Muslims kept the limit of their wealth. Mas'udi made some useful information available to us. [856] In spite of 'Umar's carefulness in this regard, he caused Badri companions to obtain a great wealth in no time through his system for distribution of “grant of bounty”.
Forming an aristocratic life, 'Uthman later on, was a typical of aristocracy prevalence among people. This aristocracy, for the most part, existed among the Muhajirun for their superiority to the Ansar in the arrangement of tribunal based on 'Umar's policy. [857] And this policy of Quraysh's superiority to non-Quraysh, was followed by 'Uthman as well. [858] While religiously comparing Ansar were in a better position than Quraysh.
Ibn 'Abbas said, “Most of the Messenger (S) ' hadiths were available to Ansar.” [859]
It is said that Ansar's women in religion obtained understanding [860] and were more religious than the Muhajirun. [861] Also, in Quraysh, just one person who knew Qur'an by heart existed according to the narration. [862]
Taha Husayn studied 'Uthman's Qurayshi policies and its effect on Ansar's seclusion and the rule of Quraysh over other Arabs. [863] Policy of the Muhajirun's superiority to the Ansar and Quraysh to non-Quraysh was, to some extent, accepted in the community so that its settlement by Imam 'Ali (a), with all his influence, was not possible. Their objection to Imam was why didn't he, like 'Umar, consider them superior to others? [864]
Aristocracy along with the lack of religious training intensified the community problem so that Kufa witnessed adultery of Mughira Ibn Shu'ba and drinking of Walid Ibn 'Uqba, governors of such an important city. Mu'awiya was also a typical of that and not wanting to be included in Kanz verse, he made up his mind to omit the first “v” letter so that it might include the people of The Book. [865]
The names of some Quraysh been punished by whip are mentioned by Muhammad Ibn Habib. Among them is 'Umar's son, Abu Shahma, who committed adultery to 'Umar's step-daughter and he was punished by a whip. 'Ubayd Allah and 'Asim, 'Umar's offsprings were whipped by 'Umar and 'Uthman respectively for drinking. [866]
Imam Husayn (a) witnessed the latter and this caused, accordingly to Muhammad Ibn Habib, enmity between family of 'Umar and that of 'Ali. Suhayl Ibn 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf was whipped for drinking. [867]
Among these, the names of other companions' sons had been mentioned. The lack of punishment in the case of others didn't mean that they were in a better position. Take the example of 'Umar, son of Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas, who martyred Imam Husayn (a) Karbala. Karbala's event principally indicates the depth of mental and ethical corruption and deviation in the Islamic community.
To caliphs, victories were considered a sacred Jihad which not only had a lot of booties but can save Arabs from hunger. This Jihad is considered sacred even if it is accompanied by some mistakes like that of Khalid Ibn Walid with Malik Ibn Nuwayra. Such mistakes don't bring about the lack of his title, i.e. God's sword.
In second caliph's opinion, if the sentence, Íí Úáì ÎíÑ ÇáÚãá “Hasten to good deeds,” was omitted from the prayer call, Jihad would be most important to people than prayer, people's concern about victories and not having anything to do with the internal affairs was another feature of victories.
For 'Uthman, being entangled in revolution, one of the solutions was to send opposers to the borders to fight there against enemies. [868] But those aware of the reality wrote to the frontier controllers that Jihad exists in Medina not Diylam. [869] Mu'awiya benefited from this weapon for opponents dispersion. [870]
In order to recognize deviations made in the community, in fact, difficulties of Imam 'Ali (a) who made his Messengership the community reform should be recognized.
People depended on public treasury and their grants of bounty to the extent that 'Umar said, “If I want, I can make these people unbelievers.”
They asked, “How?”
He replied, “I'll cut their shares.” [871]
Also Abu Ja’far Naqib said, “No one would object to 'Umar if he changed their Qibla from Ka'ba to Jerusalem or omitted one of the five unit prayers for people made every effort to obtain money and wealth and they kept still when they reached it.” [872]
To Imam 'Ali (a) on the threshold of his caliphate, the situation of the community was like that of pre-Islam. [873]
Notes:
[585] See, issue of Hudaybiyya in Tarikh Siyasi Islam, vol. I, “Biography of the Messenger (S) ”
[586] Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 301
[587] al-Ma‘arif, p. 192; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 11
[588] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 163
[589] al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p. 345
[590] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, pp 294-295
[591] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 99
[592] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, pp 44-45; from As-Saqifa by Abu Bakr Juwhari; al-Aghani, vol. VI, p. 356; al-Fa’iq, vol. II, p. 117; al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p. 56
[593] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 343
[594] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. I1, p. 67
[595] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 64
[596] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, pp 356,365; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 167
[597] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 48; al-Aghani, vol. V, p. 130
[598] al-Jamal, p. 161; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VI, p. 216
[599] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 57; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 70; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. I5, p. 223, (India); al-Futuh, p. 2151
[600] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 53
[601] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, p. 147; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 141
[602] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 24
[603] al-Jamal, p. 176; Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. IV, p. 496; Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, p. 146
[604] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 38
[605] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 39; al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, pp 154,171; Sunan Nasa’i, vol. III, p. 12; al-MuwaTTa’, vol. I, p. 282
[606] al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p. 71
[607] al-Jamal, p. 336
[608] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. III, p. 51; Ibn Abi l-Hadid says this speech is quoted from Zayd in different ways
[609] al-Aghani, vol. V, p. 131
[610] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, p. 175
[611] al-Gharat, vol. I, p. 284
[612] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 216
[613] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 206
[614] Tarikh Ibn al-wardi, p. 203; It should be said, æíá áãä ßÝøÑå äãÑæÏ Woe unto someone whom Namrud excommunicates
[615] Concerning this, see, Ukdhuba tahrif al-qur’an bayn Ash-Shi‘a wa l-Sunna, pp 89-90
[616] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 235; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 151
[617] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 151
[618] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 347
[619] See, Tafsir books in commentary of the verse,íóÇ ÃóíõøåóÇ ÇáóøÐöíäó ÂãóäõæÇ Åöäú ÌóÇÁóßõãú ÝóÇÓöÞñ ÈöäóÈóÅò ÝóÊóÈóíóøäõæÇ Ãóäú ÊõöíÈõæÇ ÞóæúãðÇ ÈöÌóåóÇáóÉò ÝóÊõúÈöÍõæÇ Úóáóì ãóÇ ÝóÚóáúÊõãú äóÇÏöãöíäó
[620] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 235
[621] Ibid vol. II, pp 235-236; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 168
[622] Habib As-Siyar, vol. II, pp 171-173
[623] al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 171-173
[624] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 238
[625] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 101 (the proofreader in the footnote quoted this part from the Persian translation ) al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 251
[626] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. IX, p. 15 from “Kitab Ash-Shura” by Waqidi
[627] al-Aghani, vol. I7, p. 152
[628] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, p. 170
[629] al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. I5, p. 221
[630] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 529, No 1376
[631] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p. 308
[632] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1115
[633] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 332
[634] al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 602
[635] al-Ma‘arif, p. 195
[636] Ibid p. 195; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 27,38
[637] al-Ma‘arif, p. 194
[638] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 28 This money came from the poll tax ruled to be received
[639] al-Ma‘arif, pp 194,195
[640] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, p. 172
[641] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 13
[642] al-Ghadir, vol. VIII, p. 286
[643] ad-Durr al-Manthur, vol. III, p. 232
[644] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp 339-340
[645] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, pp 31, 36, 37; Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 171
[646] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, pp 58,88
[647] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, pp 1306-1307 and in its footnote, Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, p. 232; al-Hilyat al-’awliya’, vol. I, p. 160; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 2860; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. II, p. 376; vol. III, p. 54; Nihayat al-’irab, vol. I9, p. 443; al-Tamhid wa l-bayan, sheet, 70
[648] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 1040
[649] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 83
[650] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 580, No 1485 Abudhar said, “Mu‘awiya intends to name Muslims off everything ” This is an interesting idea It will be considered that the reason for attaching caliph to God is for naming off people as well as removing his responsibility in front of the people and God
[651] Khilafat wa Mulukiyyat, pp 119-121
[652] Ibid pp 129-130
[653] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. III, p. 575
[654] Khayr al-din sawi influenced by his professor, ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Duri in the book, Tatawwur al-fikr As-Siyasi ‘Ind ahl As-Sunna, pp 42-43
[655] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 337; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, pp 469-470 Concerning the opinion of one of the people in Muhajirun’s ruling for selecting caliph and monopolizing caliphate
[656] Muqaddama fi Tarikh Sadr al-Islam, pp 50-58
[657] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 279
[658] See, Min Dawlat ‘Umar Ila Dawlat ‘Abd al-Malik, P. 107
[659] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 50
[660] Ahmad Ibn Hanbal seriously banned Sunnites narrators to narrate the companions’ imperfection He believed if anyone narrated these things about companions, he should be avoided Some time, he Himself listened to traditions through ‘Abd al-Razzaq San‘ani When ‘Abd al-Razzaq retold these kinds of narrations, Ahmad kept away and he was back to class sessions when he began new subjects In other cases, when the companions imperfection were discussed, Ahmad covered his ears with two fingers “It can not be quoted from ‘Ubayd Allah Ibn Musa ‘Abasi”, he said because íÍÏË ÈÇÍÇÏíË ÝíåÇ ÊäÞ áÇÍÇÈ ÑÓæá Çááå () He narrated hadiths which lowered rank of the Prophet’s companions Also he did not allow any one to quote a person who imprecated Mu‘awiya Some times, accounting that companions had said these words while they were angry, he did not permit their narrations It is said that Salim Ibn Abi MuTi‘ took Abu ‘Awana’s book and ruined the main traditions which were concerned with imperfection of companions As for these words and similar narrations, As-Sana, Abu Khallal, pp 500-511
[661] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, pp 378-379
[662] In his three books, this researcher has studied Sayf’s narrations and has correctly shown his style of writing which is a kind of story telling
[663] al-Fitnat al-Kubra, the chapter on ‘Abd Allah Ibn Saba’
[664] As mentioned, “this majority” is the people who used Tarikh at-Tabari, otherwise the first rate books of the third century had not basically cited these events
[665] Tarikh Isma‘iliyan, p. 33
[666] al-Ghadir, vol. VIII and IX
[667] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1175
[668] al-Gharat, p. 219 (Persian translation
[669] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, pp 247-248
[670] al-Ma‘arif, p. 228; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 80; Tarikh al-Madina al-Munawwara, vol. III,p. 1169 ßÇä ÃÔÏ ÇáÍÇÈÉ Úáì ÚËãÇä ØáÍÉ Èä ÚÈíÏ Çááå Talha Ibn ‘Abd Allah among the companions treated ‘Uthman most harshly
[671] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 223; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 1170
[672] al-Jamal, p. 141, see, Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 385; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 290
[673] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 57
[674] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1169
[675] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1202
[676] al-Jamal, pp 145-146
[677] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1089
[678] al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p. 27; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 37
[679] al-Futuh, vol. III, p. 123
[680] al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p. 27
[681] al-Jamal, p. 148; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 225; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VI, p. 215
[682] Tahrim, verse 10
[683] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 34
[684] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1173
[685] Ibid, p. 1174
[686] Tarikh al-khamis, vol. II, p. 261
[687] Subh al-a‘sha, vol. I, p. 251
[688] al-Aghani, vol. I, p. 26
[689] al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 152; al-Imta‘ wa l-Mu’anisa, vol. III, p. 165
[690] al-Imta‘ wa l-Mu’anisa, vol. III, p. 165
[691] Ibid, vol. III, pp 168-169
[692] al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 269-270
[693] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. III, p. 341; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 263
[694] al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 154
[695] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 287
[696] al-Basa’ír wa l-dhaka’ir, vol. I, p. 18
[697] al-Aghani, vol. XV, p. 107
[698] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 402
[699] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 347
[700] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 42; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. LXX, pp 204,205,212,223,227; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 421
[701] al-Aghani, vol. LXXX, p. 334
[702] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 53-54
[703] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 50.
[704] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 354
[705] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 61 Most probably this remark, “… I found ‘Uthman’s name in Torah” has been ascribed to ‘Abd Allah Ibn Sallam afterwards Yet, he has been amongst ‘Uthman’s assenters
[706] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, pp 1175-1186
[707] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 222
[708] Tarikh Abuzar‘a al-dimashqi, vol. I, p. 190
[709] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 60
[710] Ibn Hisham, As-Sirat al-Nabawiyya, vol. II, p. 479
[711] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. I, p. 347
[712] See, Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 89-170 and vol. IV, p. 340
[713] al-Ma‘arif, p. 197 Ibn Qutayba says, Hash means garden and Kawkab is the name of a man from Ansar
[714] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 158
[715] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 118
[716] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 52
[717] al-Ma‘arif, p. 195; al-Isti‘ab, vol. I, p. 214; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 1580-189; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1038 According to Ibn A‘tham, ‘Uthman said to Abudhar, “Go out of Medina ” Abudhar answered, “I want to go to Syria ” ‘Uthman did not accept Abudhar proposed Iraq, but then again ‘Uthman rejected it, and said to him, “ I said you to the worst city, that is, Rabaďa So go over there and never return here ”
[718] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 157
[719] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 173; see al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 159-160;Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 54
[720] Nath ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 78
[721] al-Hayawan, vol. IV, p. 277
[722] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, pp 39 -43
[723] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, pp 45-46; Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 337
[724] al-Isaba, vol. III, p. 85
[725] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 30
[726] See al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 50-51; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 153-155; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 49
[727] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, pp 1099-1100; ‘Ammar may have been thrashed once again See Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 48
[728] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 155
[729] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1049
[730] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, pp 31,36,37; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 171; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. III, pp 42-43 There, ‘Abd Allah’s thrashing and his objections of ‘Uthman have been explained in detail
[731] See al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 178-179; Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp 237-238; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, p. 135; al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya vol. VII, p. 167; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 44
[732] Lubab al-adab, p. 305
[733] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 53
[734] Ibid, vol. V, p. 51; vol. II, p. 388
[735] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1095
[736] Sharh ma yaqa‘ fih l-Tashif wa l-Tahrif, p. 107
[737] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VIII, p. 113; al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p. 377
[738] Ibn Hisham, As-Sirat al-Nabawiyya, vol. IV, p. 640; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, p. 335; Sahih al-bukhari, Kitab al-Ahkam Hadith, vol. IV; Musnad Ahmad, vol. III, p. 67; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V p. 171; vol. XII, p. 104
[739] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, p. 336
[740] See al-Mu‘jam al-Mufahras Lialfa¨ al-hadith al-Nabawi, vol. IV, below the word “Taw‘”, obedience
[741] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, pp 339-349
[742] Ibid, vol. II, p. 384
[743] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. II, p. 384
[744] Ibid, vol. II, p. 385; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VII, p. 402
[745] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 385; Musnad Abi Dawud, vol. I, p. 297
[746] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 259
[747] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp 341-342; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 173
[748] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, pp 1043-1044
[749] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 268; al-Ghadir, vol. VIII, p. 99, quoted from, Sunan Abi Dawud, vol. I, p. 308; Qaďi Abu Yusuf, al-Athar, p. 30; Shafi‘i, Kitab al-Umm, vol. I, p. 159; vol. VII, p. 175; Biyhaqi, Sunnan al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 144
[750] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. III, p. 42
[751] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, pp 524 -527; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, pp 1049-1054
[752] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 267
[753] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 157
[754] Baladhuri has been quoted as saying, Umm Habiba, Mu‘awiya’s sister and the Prophet (S) ’s wife, had brought this bloody dress See Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 291
[755] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. IV, p. 62; Balaghat al-Nisa’, p. 139; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. VI, p. 90
[756] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 165
[757] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1289
[758] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. IV, p. 169; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. IV, p. 57; al-Hayat As-Siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan(a), p. 146, from, al-Nasayih al-kafiya, p. 20; Buhrani, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. V, p. 81
[759] Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 28
[760] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. IV, p. 212
[761] al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 154; al-Hayat As-Siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan(a), p. 147, from, various sources
[762] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 368; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 131; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VIII, p. 44; al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p. 151
[763] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 187; al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p. 151; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 270
[764] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XVI, p. 155
[765] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 19
[766] al-Milal wa l-Nihal, vol. I, p. 26
[767] al-Ghadir, vol. IX, pp 149-150; vol. X, p. 333; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 223; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 334; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, pp 85,201; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 353
[768] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 287
[769] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 287
[770] al-Ma’rifa wa l-Tarikh, vol. I, p. 254; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1153
[771] Sayyid Raďi, al-khasa’is, p. 59
[772] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, pp 54 -55
[773] al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. I, p. 22
[774] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 132
[775] al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 611; ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. III, p. 92
[776] Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, p. 100
[777] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1043
[778] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 165; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 33
[779] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 61
[780] Ibid, p. V, p. 26
[781] Subhi, Nahj al-Balaghah, p. 358
[782] al-Jamal, p. 417
[783] ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. II, p. 207
[784] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 101; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 82
[785] al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p. 29; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 12633ãÇ ÇãÑÊ æáÇäåíÊ æáÇÓÑäí æáÇ ÓÇÁäí ÞÊá ÚËãÇä I neither ordered nor hindered anyone, he neither respected me nor did wrong to me
[786] al-Muwaffaqiyyat, vol. XIII; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. IX, p. 17
[787] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. I, p. 274; al-Aghani, vol. VI, p. 233; ‘Abd, Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 27
[788] Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 1
[789] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 164
[790] al-Fakhri, p. 98
[791] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. IV, p. 27
[792] Usd al-ghaba, vol. IV, p. 100 he was martyred by Mu‘awiya’s agents in 50 A H and his head was sent to Syria His tomb was made by Hamdaniyan in Musil Thereafter, an ample clash befell between Shi‘ite Muslims and ‘Uthmanids
[793] Musnad Abi Dawud, vol. I, p. 297; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 964
[794] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1216
[795] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1206
[796] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1218
[797] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1211
[798] al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. III, p. 38; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 104
[799] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 350
[800] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. I, p. 63; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 62
[801] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 89
[802] Ibid, vol. V, p. 81
[803] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 29
[804] Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. XV, p. 228; see Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 100
[805] Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. XV, p. 229
[806] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1285
[807] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 82; Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. I, p. 415
[808] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1202
[809] Ibid, vol. III, pp 1219-1223
[810] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1313
[811] Waq‘at Siffin, pp 201-202
[812] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1111
[813] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1155
[814] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1121
[815] Ibid, vol. III, pp 1135-1137
[816] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, pp 1137-1140
[817] Ibid, vol. III, pp 1142-1143
[818] Ibid, vol. III, pp 1150-1151, 1155
[819] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, pp 1159-1161; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 229; al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p. 180
[820] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 61 Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 66
[821] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 170, see Tarikh al-Islam, ‘Ahd al-khulafa’ al-rashidin, p. 445
[822] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 567, num 1445 Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 170 Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 66
[823] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 567 num 1446
[824] Tathbit Dala’il al-Nubuwwa, p. 573
[825] al-Gharat, p. 104
[826] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 72-73; Tarikh Ibn KhayyaT, p. 170; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba,vol. VII, p. 441, 514; Tarikh al-Islam, ‘Ahd al-khulafa’ al-rashidin, p. 446; see Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 1286
[827] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1166; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 54-56; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 217
[828] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1172
[829] Ibid, vol. III, p. 1231
[830] Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 253; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1308
[831] Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 259
[832] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1166
[833] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, pp 92 – 93
[834] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, pp 153 – 154; al-Ma‘arif, p. 361
[835] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p. 474, vol. VI, pp 51-54; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 345
[836] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, pp 349 – 350
[837] ‘Umar’s first measure was to return Arab captives, he said,Ãæá ÝÚá ÚãÑ ÑÏ ÓÈÇíÇ ÇáÚÑÈ ÞÇá: ßÑåÊ Ãä íÓíÑ ÓäÉ Úáì ÇáÚÑÈ What ‘Umar did first was to expatriate ‘Umar’s captives saying, “I am happy! This becomes a tradition degrading Arabs Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 139; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 380
[838] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. II, p. 382
[839] Abu ‘Ubayd, al-Amwal, p. 133; Futuh al-Buldan, p. 104
[840] Rabi‘ al-Abrar,vol. I, p. 796; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, pp 496- 497; Tarikh Jurjan, p. 486
[841] Hayat sahaba, vol. II, p. 802
[842] Futuh al-Buldan, pp 185-186; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,vol. VI, p. 99, al-Kharaj, p. 221
[843] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, pp 337 – 339; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,vol. I, p. 325
[844] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. I,p. 2741; Imtidad al-’Arab, p. 22
[845] Imtidad al-’Arab, p. 22
[846] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,vol. XI, p. 439; Hayat sahaba,vol. II, p. 150
[847] ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, p. 230; see al-Mahasin wa l-masawi, vol. II, p. 227
[848] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. I, p. 186; LuTf al-tadbir, p. 199; al-zuhd wa l-Raqa’iq, Juz’ Nu‘aym Ibn Hammad, p. 52
[849] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, p. 160
[850] al-Bayan wa l-tabyin,vol. II, p. 250
[851] al-Fitnat al-Kubra, p. 72
[852] Imtidad al-’Arab, p. 26
[853] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 329; Imtidad al-’Arab, p. 23
[854] al-Buldan, p. 269
[855] Dr Salih al-‘Ali, in “Imtidad al-’Arab fi Sadr al-Islam”, studied the Arabs’ jouney and their settlement in cities of Iran based on Ya‘qubi’s source and other books
[856] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp 332-333
[857] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VIII, p. 111
[858] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 989
[859] Sunnan al-Darimi, introduction, section 46
[860] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. I, pp 314 -315
[861] Hayat sahaba, vol. II, p. 87
[862] Ibn Juzi, al-Adhkiya’, p. 102
[863] al-Fitnat al-Kubra, pp 68-85-86
[864] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I pp 199, 200, 207, 272, 228, 229; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VII, pp 41-43
[865] See ad-Durr al-Manthur, vol. III, p. 232
[866] al-Munammaq, pp 367-395
[867] Ibid, p. 397
[868] al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 178- 179; Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 237; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 149; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 1096
[869] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 150
[870] Ya‘qubi says, “Mu‘awiya by dint of money made the opponents quiet, sometimes he was sent to the war especially the front ” Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 238
[871] al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p. 87
[872] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XII, p. 96
[873] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, p. 189
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