|
Why the Compromise Was Accepted
There were several reasons that hindered Imam to achieve his goal, a mighty and honorable battle against Mu'awiya. To safeguard the principal Islam and impede fruitless bloodshedding, he had to avoid battling. We point to some reasons below,
A.The most crucial reason for why Imam adopted a new position was people's weakness in supporting him. No one can ever claim that Imam was never determined to fight with Mu'awiya inasmuch as his remarks and position had already proved the reverse.
What took place in Sabat obviously showed how incapable were the people in keeping on their struggle. It was then, according to Sheykh Mufid, Imam found out that people had disparaged him. [1618]
A large number from among these people had been killed in wars of Jamal, Siffin and Nahrawan and now tired of any battle not only they felt no strength to fight but also they considered Ahl al-Bayt as debtors. They believed that Imam was responsible for the murdered.
As soon as Imam learnt that many soldiers have fled, he addressed people as saying,”You disobeyed my father to continue fighting and let the arbitrators judge while my father disagreed. He called upon you to keep on the war but you feared until he was killed.
Later you came up to me and swore allegiance. You vowed to battle against any one I battled and compromise with any one I compromised. Today I heard that your nobles have joined Mu'awiya. It dose suffice me. Deceive me not about my religion.” [1619]
Concerning the reason for Imam's abdication, Jahiz has written,”When he found these people's behavior towards his father and had known how capricious they were, he had to relinquish the power.” [1620]
Imam realized that he could not trust such people. This inconfidence was not only for lack of cooperation on their part but Imam stated, æÇááå áæ ÞÇÊáÊ ãÚÇæíå áÃÎÐæÇ ÈÚäÞí ÍÊì íÏÝÚæäí Çáíå ÓáãÇð [1621] “By Almighty Allah, if I clash with Mu'awiya, they will grasp hold of my neck and hand me over locked up.”
Elsewhere he has said, æÑÃíÊ Ãåá ÇáÚÑÇÞ¡ áÇíËÞ Èåã ÃÍÏ ÃÈÏÇð ÇáÇ ÛáÈ “Iraqi people are those whom anyone trusted, was defeated, for no one agrees with another. They are never serious either about the wrong or the right.” [1622]
With such people battling with determined and united people of Damascus was impossible. The sad remarks of Imam 'Ali (a) made in 39 and 40 A.H. do convince any equitable individual that there was no other alternative but handing Iraq to Damascus. Never ever could Imam Hasan (a) surrender himself and a number of his Shi'ite Muslims bare-handed to Damascus people whose commander was Busr Ibn Artat, bloodthirsty.
Now compromising was the only way for protecting Iraq from being plundered. Although it seemed possible that Imam and his small army resist and be martyred, rarely did it bear fruit. Mu'awiya had poisoned the atmosphere through the slogan of 'Uthman's blood. In addition to Damascus, Egypt and other areas were now in his hand. At this point, Imam with that precedence and eloquence could do nothing and it had no reason but Iraq's ineptness before Damascus.
Hence, Imam's martyrdom could solve no problem. Mu'awiya was absolutely infamous and there was no need to make him known. At times, Imam was mistakenly introduced as the one loathing bloodshedding. It can never be accepted. He participated in wars of Jamal and Siffin actively and confirmed his father's tradition. What Imam loathed was futile bloodshedding with no politically clear results.
B. Another reason was that waging a war normally depended upon people's presence and a ruler to a limited extent could force them to battle. Two points merit consideration. One is whether a Muslim ruler could under any circumstances and even with overt disagreement of the majority start the war. If he were entitled to, under what conditions should he do so? The other point is that supposing he did so, would it be for the good of the Muslim nation or not?
The Prophet's tradition was that he basically consulted the Muslims on war affairs. Considering the wars during his lifetime, we discussed it in detail. It occurred while firstly he had already secured allegiance from them and secondly since Jihad was one of the practical laws of Islam, it was Muslims' duty the same as prayer.
So why did he consult them regardless of these two points? One reason was because war was a heavy burden which was supposed to be carried by people. Prayer took a little time for a Muslim to do whereas war might cause heavy casualties and damages or make many homeless. When one was martyred, a tribe was bereaved.
Naturally, people themselves should have become aware through consultation and shouldered the responsibility a bit. Although Jihad was a practical law of Islam, Allah's Apostle did never call upon Ansar to participate in wars before Badr because they had committed not. Only in Badr did they participate after their leaders declared readiness. Later on, he had also consulted them in Uhud and Ahzab.
Whether to compose people to combat or not is a point that should be considered. Imam 'Ali (a) has always been set to convince them either through advice or perhaps through having a whip in hand. Under no circumstances, did he try to coerce them by sword or torture. [1623]
He stated explicitly, “Yesterday I was the one who commanded, but today I am commanded. Yesterday I was the one who prohibited but today I am prohibited. You love to survive and, áíÓ áí Ãä ÇÍãáßã ãÇ ÊßÑåæä I never ever compel you to do what you dislike. [1624]
Imam Mujtaba (a) was also faithful to this very method. When finding that they were not willing to have such an Imam nor were they prepared to defend themselves against Damascus, it looked quite natural that he left Iraq for Medina after giving essential advice that was mostly given in advance by his father.
Imam 'Ali (a) had already foretold them what an intolerable situation they would have in the future,”Be informed that thou will get into three great difficulties after me, an epidemic objectless, fatal sword and despotism. Then thou will desire that thou could have seen me, helped me and sacrificed thyself for me.” [1625]
Facing such hard status in Iraq and people's indifference to his demands for a war, Imam Hasan (a) expressed his transparent position under the pressure of Mu'awiya's insistence on his resignation. First of all Imam declared that there was no doubt about the war against Damascus. æÇááå áÇ íËäíäÇ Úä Ãåá ÇáÔÇã Ôß æáÇ äÏã¡ æÅäãÇ äÞÇÊá Ãåá ÇáÔÇã ÈÇáÈÑ æÇáÓáÇãÉ “No doubt or regret will prevent us from battling with Damascus. Forebearingly and calmly we will fight.”
Concerning people's morale, he added,”You differ greatly from the past. Once you were getting prepared for Siffin, your religion was prior but today you give priority to this worldly life over your religion.
Now between two bloody wars of Siffin and Nahrawan you weep for those you have lost and want to take revenge… but Mu'awiya has called upon us to compromise while in the compromise no honor and justice can be ever found, ÃáÇ æÇäø ãÚÇæíÉ ÏÚÇäÇ Çáì ÃãÑ áíÓ Ýíå ÚÒø æáÇ äÝÉ “Beware that Mu'awiya called us to do something neither of sublimity nor fairness.”
Therefore, Imam announced that compromising would on no accounts be for the good of the nation after all. Then he urged people to tell him what course to pursue. ÝÇä ÃÑÏÊã ÇáãæÊ ÑÏÏäÇå Úáíå æÍÇßãäÇå Çáì Çááå ÚÒ æÌá ÈÙÈì ÇáÓíæÝ¡ æÇä ÃÑÏÊã ÇáÍíÇÉ ÞÈáäÇå æÃÎÐäÇ áßã ÇáÑÖì “If you are prepared to fight, let's decline their request and rely on our swords, allow Allah to pass judgment. But if you like to survive, let's accept their request and provide you with security.”
At the same time, people shouted from four corners of the mosque saying, ÇáÈÞíÉ ÇáÈÞíÉ “The remainders, the remainders…” and signed the peace pact. [1626]
Elsewhere he said, Çäí ÑÃíÊ åæì ÚÙã ÇáäÇÓ Ýí ÇááÍ¡ æßÑåæÇ ÇáÍÑÈ Ýáã ÇÍÈ Ãä ÃÍãáåã Úáì ãÇ íßÑåæä “I found people mostly willing to compromise yet unwilling to fight. Never do I like to impose what they dislike.” [1627] ÃÑì ÃßËÑßã ÞÏ äßá Úä ÇáÍÑÈ æÝÔá Ýí ÇáÞÊÇá æáÓÊ ÃÑì ÃÍãáßã Úáì ãÇ ÊßÑåæä “I realized how weak you have gone and how reluctant you have turned to fight. So I am not the one who compels you to do what you disgust.” [1628]
Imam referred to people's non-cooperation as the reason for abandoning his caliphate. There was no other solution the normal situation. He stated, æÇááå Çäí ÓáøãÊ ÇáÇãÑ áÇäí áã ÃÌÏ ÇäÇÑÇð æáæ æÌÏÊ äÇÑÇð áÞÇÊáÊÉ áíáí æäåÇÑí ÍÊì íÍßã Çááå ÈíääÇ æÈíäå [1629] “By Almighty Allah, I abandoned it for I had no helper. If there were a helper to me, I would fight him day in and day out until Allah judge between him and me.”
C. Imam's other reason for accepting the compromise was to protect the Shi'ite Muslims' lives. Those objecting to Imam were of two groups, the extremists, the Kharijites, who had the same clash with Imam 'Ali (a) as well and the revolutionary Shi'ite Muslims who could never stand compromising.
There was a few among those objecting who described Imam as, ãÐáø ÇáãÄãäíä “the one who humiliates the believers.”
Yet, in return Imam considered the acceptance of the compromise as honor and described himself as, ãÚÒ ÇáãÄãäíä “The one who holds the believers dear.”
He justified it as follows, Çäí áãøÇ ÑÃíÊ áíÓ Èßã Úáíåã ÞæøÉ¡ ÓáãÊ ÇáÇãÑ áÃÈÞì ÃäÇ æÃäÊã Èíä ÃÙåÑßã “When I found thee not powerful enough, I preferred to compromise so that thou and I could survive.”
Next utterances manifest that by their and his surviving he meant safeguarding Shi'ism. Somewhere else, Imam has likened his action to piercing the ship by a scholar with Moses whose aim was preserving the ship for her owners. [1630]
He also had said, ÝÇáÍÊ ÈÞíÇð Úáì ÔíÚÊäÇ ÎÇøÉ ãä ÇáÞÊá ÝÑÃíÊ ÏÝÚ åÐå ÇáÍÑæÈ Çáì íæã ãøÇ¡ ÝÇäø Çááøå ßá íæã åæ Ýí ÔÃä “I did compromise to save the Shi'ite Muslims' lives. I pondered over delaying these wars for every day Allah deals with an affair.” [1631]
In an answer to one of the objectors Imam said, ãÇ ÃÑÏÊ ÈãÇáÍÊí ãÚÇæíÉ ÇáÇ Ãä ÃÏÝÚ Úäßã ÇáÞÊá ÚäÏãÇ ÑÃíÊ ÊÈÇØíÁ ÃÍÇÈí Úä ÇáÍÑÈ æäßæáåã Úä ÇáÞÊÇá “With the aim of at least protecting your lives I compromised with Mu'awiya when I found my disciples weak and unwilling to fight.” [1632]
Answering another objector, Imam likened his compromise to the Prophet's with a difference that had been a compromise with the disbelievers, ÈÇáÊäÒíá “Ordered directly by Allah with revelation.”
But his compromise was with the disbelievers ÈÇáÊÃæíá “Indirectly through interpretation.”
Then he added, æáæáÇ ãÇ ÃÊíÊ¡ áãÇ ÊÑß ãä ÔíÚÊäÇ Úáì æÌå ÇáÇÑÖ ÃÍÏ ÇáÇ ÞÊá “If I had not done so, no Shi'ite Muslim would have survived.” [1633]
When Hujr Ibn 'Adi objected, Imam reacted as saying, íÇ ÍÌÑ! áíÓ ßá ÇáäÇÓ íÍÈ ãÇ ÊÍÈ¡ æãÇ ÝÚáÊ ÇáÇ ÇÈÞÇÁð Úáíß¡ æÇááå ßá íæã åæ Ýí ÇáÔÃä “O Hujr! all do not like what you like. I did so for nothing but saving your life and others'. Allah also deals with an affair every day.” [1634] íÇ ãÇáß! áÇÊÞá Ðáß¡ Çäí áãÇ ÑÃíÊ ÇáäÇÓ ÊÑßæÇ Ðáß ÇáÇ Ãåáå¡ ÎÔíÊ Ãä ÊÌÊËøæÇ Úä æÌå ÇáÇÑÖ¡ ÝÃÑÏÊ Ãä íßæä ááÏíä Ýí ÇáÇÑÖ äÇÚí “O Malik! say not so, Imam addressed Malik Ibn Dhamra when objecting, when I saw how people but a few left me on my own, I feared you be wipped off the face of the earth. Hence, I decided to make one survive cry out for the religion on the earth.” [1635]
He also said, ÇäãÇ åÇÏäÊ ÍÞäÇð ááÏãÇÁ æíÇäÊÇð æÇÔÝÇÞÇð Úáì äÝÓí æÃåáí æÇáãÎáíä ãä ÃÍÇÈí “I agreed to compromise to both prevent bloodshed and save my life, my family's and my faithful disciples.” [1636]
The objectors were mostly faithful to Ahl al-Bayt. Such individuals from among them as Hujr Ibn 'Adi who deemed caliphate no one's right but 'Ali's family tried to resist anyway due to their hatred of the Umayyads as well as their revolutionary spirit. The above mentioned remarks that were intentionally elaborated demonstrate Imam's great insight and logic.
He was well aware that Mu'awiya, in the guise a rightful man, with his large and foolish army could easily suppress limited Iraqi troops and massacre the distinguished Shi'ite Muslims and 'Alawites under the pretext of revenge for 'Uthman's murder. Mu'awiya had changed anything for his benefit.
Only a few eminent disciples were survived who were mighty enough to stand against him. Until then he could make Iraq have doubts as well. With any possible way he could keep the Iraqis far away from Imam.
When Mu'awiya intended to conquer Iraq at the end of Imam 'Ali's term, Imam could do nothing other than what his son, Hasan, did. The devoted persons with Imam Hasan were too few to wage a war. In order to prove that if Imam 'Ali (a) were in such a situation, he would surely have no other alternative, we refer to the issue of arbitration.
When a number objected to Imam 'Ali why he accepted arbitration, he said,”You see how disobedient my army has become. In comparing to their population you are very few. If we fight, this vast majority of war opponents will turn more hostile towards you than the Damascus army. If they ally with the Damascus troops, all of you will be massacred. By Almighty Allah, I myself am never pleased with arbitration but I had to approve the majority decision for I was greatly worried about your lives”. [1637]
Anyhow, Shi'ite Muslims' protection was an incumbent duty that made Imam to approve what for which valor was needed. It is of significance for an Imam or anyone of this type that he carry out his lawful responsibility not care about people's harsh sarcasm which leads to his and his companies' annihilation.
Regarding his compromising, Imam Mujtaba said, æÇááå¡ ÇáÐí ÚãáÊ¡ ÎíÑ áÔíÚÊí ããÇ ØáÚÊ Úáíå ÇáÔãÓ [1638]“By Allah, what I did was far better than what sun shines and sets for my Shi'ite Muslims.”
In the same respect Imam al-Baqir (a) has said, æÇááå¡ ÇáÐí äÚ ÇáÍÓä Èä Úáí (Ú) ßÇä ÎíÑÇð áåÐå ÇáÇãÉ ããÇ ØáÚÊ Úáíå ÇáÔãÓ [1639] “By Allah, what Hasan Ibn 'Ali did was far better than what to which sun shines for this nation.”
Imam Husayn (a) and Compromise
We discussed earlier that a group of historians and tradionists have done their utmost to introduce the two brothers different. The false notion concerning their opinions about compromise was propounded in such a way as though Imam Husayn had denied the compromise and objected to his brother.
It was justified, however, that Imam Husayn (a) had been faithful to his father's policy whereas Imam Hasan had not approved of the policy of fighting. As already shown, Imam Mujtaba had been of the same mind about the war and it was quite explicit in his remarks.
Imam Husayn is quoted as objecting to his brother, ÃÚíÐß ÈÇááå Çä ÊßÐøÈ ÚáíÇð Ýí ÞÈÑå æÊÏøÞ ãÚÇæíÉ “I take refuge in Allah that you deny 'Ali in grave and confirm Mu'awiya!” [1640]
It is also narrated in Mada'ini that Imam Husayn (a) balked at compromising until his brother convinced him. [1641] Against such claims there are many proofs indicating that Imam Husayn (a) had known no other way more appropriate than compromising and had called upon people to obey his brother.
First, Imam Husayn's practical way of conduct was indifference to the remarks and actions trying to set him against his brother and introduce him as the Shi'ite Muslims' leader in Iraq. To the very last moment of his brother's life, Imam Husayn was beside him living like him in Medina. For eleven years even after his brother's martyrdom, his position was exactly as that of his brother's. It demonstrates that without a shadow of a doubt he agreed to compromise.
Second, Resentful of compromising, the extremist Shi'ite Muslims came up to Imam Husayn urging him to undertake their leadership.
'Ali Ibn Muhammad Ibn Bashir Hamdani recounted, “Sufyan Ibn Abi Layla and I went to Medina to meet Hasan Ibn 'Ali (a). When we stepped in, Musayyib Ibn Najba along with a number was there. I greeted him, ÇáÓáÇã Úáíß íÇ ãÐá ÇáãÄãäíä “Peace be upon you who humiliated the believers.”
Peace be upon you too, said Imam calmly, sit down. I never humiliated the believers but I held then dear. I compromised for the sake of naught but protecting you.
He added, “We went to visit his brother, Husayn, and inform him of what Hasan had said”.
Imam Husayn said, ÏÞ ÇÈæ ãÍãÏ¡ Ýáíßä ßá ÑÌá ãäßã ÍáÓÇð ãä ÃÍáÇÓ ÈíÊå ãÇÏÇã åÐÇ ÇáÇäÓÇä ÍíÇð ÝÇä íåáß æÇäÊã ÇÍíÇÁ ÑÌæäÇ Ãä íÎíøÑ Çááå áäÇ æíÄÊäÇ ÑÔÏäÇ æáÇíßáäÇ Çáì ÇäÝÓäÇ “My brother is true. All of you should stay at home as long as Mu'awiya is alive. If he were dead and you alive, may Allah do what our progress is in and may He leave us not on our own.” [1642]
When he was demanded to rise up, Imam Husayn said, ÃãÇ ÃäÇ¡ ÝáíÓ ÑÃíí Çáíæã Ðáß¡ ÝÇáÞæÇ ÑÍãßã Çááå ÈÇáÇÑÖ æÇßãäæÇ ÇáÈíæÊ æÇÍÊÑÓæÇ ÇáÙäÉ ãÇÏÇã ãÚÇæíÉ ÍíÇõ “Now I do not believe so. Mercy on you, as long as Mu'awiya is alive, stay at home and avoid being suspected.” [1643]
Imam's referring to Mu'awiya's existence reveals that he was fully conscious of the prevailing situation which led to compromising. The role Mu'awiya played was pivotal. Anyhow, afte the compromise was finalized, the two brothers left Kufa for Medina.
Peace Pact
Concerning the articles stipulated in the pact and signed by Imam Hasan (a) and Mu'awiya, there is no perfect consensus in historical sources. Not only the rumors spread then, but also the spitefulness of historians and Tradionists impacted on the articles. Magnifying some articles, censoring some others, counterfeiting some and ignoring the principal conditions are seen in historical narrations as distortion. [1644]
Heedless of these cases, there are various narrations in this regard each of which has mentioned one part of the authentic text. Al Yasin and some others have compiled these narrations and presented as a whole. Here we present the authentic text and then other narrations sporadically reported.
A number of sources by Ibn A'tham Kufi, Baladhuri and Ibn Shahr Ashub have described the perfect text of the pact as an official treaty. The prefaces confirm the authenticity of the text.
According to Ibn A'tham, when the clash between Imam and Mu'awiya culminated in a compromise, Imam Hasan (a) sent 'Abd Allah Ibn Nawfal to warn Mu'awiya that he would never swear allegiance to him unless he vowed that people and their belongings were secure.
Nonetheless, when 'Abd Allah came up to Mu'awiya, he told him on his own behalf that there were a number of conditions he should meet if he wanted to compromise. First, caliphate would be his provided that he designated Imam Hasan as the caliph after himself. Secondly, he should pay fifty five thousand dhms from the public fund to him annually. Finally, he should not merely pay the taxes collected from Darabjird to him but also provide people with high security.
Accepting the conditions, Mu'awiya asked for a white sheet, signed it at the bottom and sent it to Hasan Ibn 'Ali (a). When 'Abd Allah returned and recounted what happened, Imam told him, “Never do I want the caliphate after Mu'awiya. And about the financial conditions you suggested I should say that it is in no way Mu'awiya's right to commit himself to paying me from Muslims' treasury.
Then Imam called his amanuensis to write as follows,
ÈÓã Çááå ÇáÑÍãä ÇáÑÍíã¡ åÐÇ ãÇ ÇØáÍ Úáíå ÇáÍÓä Èä Úáí Èä ÃÈí ØÇáÈ¡ ãÚÇæíÉ Èä ÃÈí ÓÝíÇä¡ ÇáÍå Úáì Ãä íÓáã Çáíå æáÇíÉ ÃãÑ ÇáãÓáãíä Úáì Ãä íÚãá Ýíåã ÈßÊÇÈ Çááå æÓäÉ äÈíå ãÍãÏ áì Çááå Úáíå æÂáå æÓáã æÓíÑÉ ÇáÎáÝÇÁ ÇáÇáÍíäº æáíÓ áãÚÇæíÉ Èä ÃÈí ÓÝíÇä Ãä íÚåÏ áÃÍÏ ãä ÈÚÏå ÚåÏÇð¡ Èá íßæä ÇáÃãÑ ãä ÈÚÏå ÔæÑì Èíä ÇáãÓáãíä¡ æÚáì Ãä ÇáäÇÓ Âãäæä ÍíË ßÇäæÇ ãä ÃÑÖ Çááå¡ ÔÇãåã æÚÑÇÞåã æÊåÇãåã æÍÌÇÒåã¡ æÚáì Ãä ÇÍÇÈ Úáí æÔíÚÊå Âãäæä Úáì ÃäÝÓåã æÃãæÇáåã æäÓÇÆåã æÃæáÇÏåã¡ æÚáì ãÚÇæíÉ Èä ÃÈí ÓÝíÇä ÈÐáß ÚåÏ Çááå æãíËÇÞå æãÇ ÃÎÐ Çááå Úáì ÃÍÏ ãä ÎáÞå ÈÇáæÝÇÁ ÈãÇ ÃÚØì Çááå ãä äÝÓå¡ æÚáì Ãäå áÇ íÈÛí ááÍÓä Èä Úáí æáÇ áÃÎíå ÇáÍÓíä æáÇ áÃÍÏ ãä Çåá ÈíÊ ÇáäÈí áì Çááå Úáíå æÇáå æÓáã¡ ÛÇÆáÉ ÓÑÇð æÚáÇäíÉð æáÇ íÎíÝ ÃÍÏÇð ãäåã Ýí ÃÝÞ ãä ÇáÇÝÇÞ. [1645]
This is a compromise between Hasan Ibn Abi Talib and Mu'awiya Ibn Abi Sufyan. He compromises with him and entrusts caliphate to him provided that he will designate no successor after himself and will allow Muslims' council to designate any one judged competent, for his death is imminent. Another condition is that Muslims must entirely be secure from him. He should behave well towards people.
The third condition is that 'Ali Ibn Abi Talib's Shi'ite Muslims, family and agents must be safe anywhere they are and no aggression should be made against them. Hereby Mu'awiya Ibn Abi Sufyan swears allegiance to Allah and makes a pledge to be faithful to his allegiance and not to take in.
He promises not to do an ill turn to Hasan Ibn 'Ali, his brother Husayn and neither of their wives, children, relatives and disciples either overtly or covertly. Anywhere they are they should be safe and never threatened. That is it. [1646]
As recorded by Baladhuri, Mu'awiya wrote a peace pact himself and sent it to Hasan Ibn 'Ali (a) as follows,”I did compromise with you on the conditions that the caliphate after me be yours, I conspire not against you, I pay you a million dhms from the public fund plus taxes of Fasa and Darabjird [or Darabjard].”
This text is confirmed by both Muhammad Ibn Ash'ath Kindi and 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amir which was written in Rabi' al-Akhir, 41.H.
As soon as Imam read the foregoing text, he said,”He has stipulated something if I yearned for it, never ever would I relinquish the authority”. Then he sent 'Abd Allah Ibn Harth Ibn Nawfal (Ibn Harth Ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib) to tell Mu'awiya, “If people will be safe, I swear allegiance to him.”
Mu'awiya gave him a white sheet and said, “Write whatever you like”.
Imam Hasan (a) also wrote what we referred what we referred to previously. [1647] The text was cited by Ibn Shahr Ashub in Manaqib. [1648] Mada'ini [1649] and Ibn Sabbagh Maliki [1650] also have confirmed the report related to 'Abd Allah Ibn Nawfal's dispatch and the conditions laid down.
Many sources have referred to the condition of Imam Hasan's successorship after Mu'awiya with presenting no particular text. [1651] Some other sources also have confirmed the financial commitments made with regard to the taxes of Darabjird, Fasa and Ahwaz in addition to the one-million payment per year. [1652] Reportedly, the other condition had been that Mu'awiya should never curse Amir al-Mu'minin (a). [1653]
Here, two points merit to be taken into account concerning two conditions, the financial condition and caliphate condition. About the financial condition which is mentioned in different sources and for justifying which a group of Shi'ite Muslims have even discussed in any way [1654] it should be kept in mind that the only text we confirm is the one shown before; accordingly, imposing any condition in the accord is basically deemed false.
The cogent evidence is the reaction Imam had when finding out that 'Abd Allah Ibn Nawfal had on his own behalf laid down such conditions and said, “Mu'awiya is not entitled to commit himself paying me from the Fund.”
As far as we know what Imams' way of conduct had been, such reasoning is clearly conceivable. The question, however, raised here is how the historians have propounded this condition. The answer can easily be inferred form what discussed above. Ibn A'tham had narrated that the condition had been laid down by 'Abd Allah Ibn Nawfal. As reported by Baladhuri, Mu'awiya himself had imposed the financial condition among the conditions.
Furthermore, seemingly in order to mar Imam's reputation, Mu'awiya's spies and later courtier historians had spread a number of rumors. It appears that the financial condition had been suggested by the delegation sent by Mu'awiya to Sabat in Ctesiphon for talks on compromising. [1655] Another evidence for proving that there had been no financial condition in the pact is when after the compromise Sulayman Ibn Surad Khuza'i objected to Imam why he had not assigned a proportion. [1656]
Such reasoning can also be found for the condition of Imam's successorship after Mu'awiya. It is narrated that based on the signed accord Imam Hasan had been supposed to replace Mu'awiya and if he were dead, his brother should be the successor. [1657]
This time again Imam was not content to accept what 'Abd Allah Ibn Nawfal or according to Baladhuri and others [1658] what Mu'awiya had suggested. In return in a text, Imam deprived Mu'awiya of appointing any successor to himself. He stressed that Muslims should shoulder this responsibility.
Since Imam was aware that Mu'awiya had always been set to make caliphate hereditary, he decided to tie his hands in the accord in this respect. If Imam had said something about his successorship, it would have been the confirmation of hereditary system per se. The term of “Muslim council”, however general, could be a way to dispense with the hereditary concept. It might be criticized that it is by no means compatible with the belief in “Nass” (textual nomination) about Shi'ites Imams.
It should be said that firstly the majority of the people among whom Imam lived did not believe in Nass and but this way, they had no other choice. Secondly, if legitimacy was judged by Nass, it would not be incompatible with the principle any way because people's approval is evidently essential in a ruler's legitimacy as a leader in a community. Some points within the peace pact merit consideration:
A. The first vital point was practicing the divine Book, the Prophet's tradition as well as the pious caliphs' lifstyles. Imam's intention was to limit Mu'awiya within a framework. He referred to this very point while making a speech on the pulpit when Mu'awiya had come to Kufa.
He said, ÅäãÇ ÇáÎáíÝÉ ãä ÓÇÑ ÈÓíÑÉ ÑÓæá Çááå æÚãá ÈØÇÚÊå æáíÓ ÇáÎáíÝÉ ãä ÏÇä ÈÇáÌæÑ æÚØóøá ÇáÓää æÇÊÎÐ ÇáÏäíÇ ÃÈÇð æÇõãøÇð “The caliph is the one who practices the Prophet's tradition and obeys him. The caliph is never the one who oppresses, disregards the Prophet's tradition and adores the worldly life like his parents.”
æóÅöäú ÃóÏúÑöí áóÚóáóøåõ ÝöÊúäóÉñ áóßõãú æóãóÊóÇÚñ Åöáóì Íöíäò.
Who knows, perhaps it is an acid test for you and little goods for Mu'awiya he added. Mu'awiya turned furious at Imam's remarks. [1659]
At the same sermon Imam announced, “On a right Mu'awiya disputed me that was mine but for the good of the nation and hindering bloodshed I ignored it.” [1660]
B. Another point was Imam's opposition to a hereditary caliphate that we already discussed in detail.
C. The Shi'ite Muslims' security was one of the crucial principles of the contract. As mentioned before, Imam at the first leg of his talks with Mu'awiya affirmed that he would never swear allegiance to him unless Mu'awiya promised to provide people with security. It is referred to in some narration's that Imam asked clemency of guarantee even for Ahmar and Aswad. It may imply that Imam stressed on Mawali's (freed slaves) security as well who were very respectable in Imam 'Ali's sight.
D. Imam's other condition which had a particular significance was that there should be no covert or overt conspiracy against him or his brother, Imam Husayn (a).
With no prerequisite, Mu'awiya signed the contract owing to the fact that the only thing he wanted was the conquest of Iraq. Mu'awiya and also Imam himself were certain that he would turn a blind eye to any condition.
Mu'awiya was faithful to none of the conditions.
He not only did not follow Qur'an and the tradition, but also went to extremes more than 'Uthman. He appointed Yazid as his successor, and deprived 'Ali's followers (Shi'ites) of security, imposing Ziyad and other tyrants to rule over them.
Husayn bin Mundhir used to say: Mu'awiya did not observe any of the conditions he had agreed to in his treaty with Hasan. He killed Hujr and his companions, appointed Yazid as his successor and did not delegate the matter of succession to a counsel, and poisoned Hasan.”
Mu'awiya came to Kufa and said, ÃáÇ Åäí ßäÊõ ÔÑØÊ ÔÑæØÇð ÃÑÏÊ ÈåÇ ÇáÃõáÝÉ ææÖÚ ÇáÍÑÈ¡ ÃáÇ æÅäåÇ ÊÍÊ ÞÏãí “I agreed on the conditions to put out the fire of sedition and reconcile the people, yet now I disregard them all.” [1661]
It is also quoted form him as saying, “Never did I fight to have you perform prayers, fast, go Hajj (pilgrimage) or pay poll tax, I fought to rule over you. And Allah bestowed it to me whereas you were all unwilling”. [1662]
A group of residents led by Humran Ibn Aban decided to revolt against Mu'awiya in Basra. As reported he had been summoning people to swear allegiance to Imam Husayn (a). In order to suppress him, Mu'awiya sent 'Amr Ibn Artat or his brother, Busr to Basra. [1663]
By the same token, he could manage to dominate Iraq. He appointed Mughira Ibn Shu'ba to Kufa governorship for nine years as long as he was alive and 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amir as Basra governor.
Imam Hasan's caliphate began in Ramaďan 40 and terminated in Rabi' al-Akhir, 41H. after seven months. [1664]
Imam Mujtaba’s Character
Imam Hasan was born on Ramaďan 15, 3 A.H. He looked like his forefather, Allah's Apostle. [1665] After his father was martyred, he became the Shi'ite Muslims' leader. It is narrated from Abi Razin as saying that Imam, wearing black robe and a turban, delivered sermons. [1666]
Imam Hasan was one of the most morally eminent figures whose conduct was an example to follow. We already discussed how repeatedly the Prophet admired him in his remarks and recommended all to feel affection for him.
For instance, Ãááåã Åäí ÞÏ ÃÍÈÈÊå ÝÃÍÈóøå æÃÍöÈðø ãä íÍÈå “O Allah! I love him, so adore him and the one who loves him.” [1667] ãä ÃÍÈóøäí ÝáíÍÈå æáíÈáÛ ÇáÔÇåÏ ãäßã ÇáÛÇÆÈ “The one who loves me surely loves him. Tell it to the absentees too.” [1668]
ãä ÃÍÈ ÇáÍÓä æÇáÍÓíä ÝÞÏ ÃÍÈäí¡ æãä ÃÈÛÖåãÇ ÝÞÏ ÃÈÛÖí “Anyone who loves Hasan and Husayn, he indeed loves me and anyone who annoys them, he indeed annoys me.” [1669] ãä ÓÑøå Ãä íäÙÑ Çáí ÓíÏ ÔÈÇÈ Ãåá ÇáÌäÉ ÝáíäÙÑ Åáí ÇáÍÓä Èä Úáí “Anyone who likes to see the master of the youth in Heaven can look at Hasan Ibn 'Ali and some utterances the Prophet has made about Imam Hasan (a).” [1670]
Many narrations also are recorded in the light of Imam's ideological features for example his trips as a pilgrim gone on foot. He has said, Åäí áÃÓÊÍí ãä ÑÈí Ãä ÃáÞÇå æáã ÃãÔ Åáí ÈíÊå¡ ÝãÔí ÚÔÑíä ãÑÉ ãä ÇáãÏíäÉ Úáí ÑÌáíå “I am really ashamed of meeting Allah if I go to His House on horsebac.”
He visited there as a pilgrim twenty times. [1671] According to another narration, he had gone to Mecca for pilgrimage twenty five times on foot, [1672] yet Ibn Sa'd has recorded it as fifteen times. [1673]
His generosity for Allah's sake was a proverbial aspect of his ethical character. When Isma'il Ibn Yasar along with 'Abd Allah Ibn Anas went to meet Mu'awiya in Damascus and take money from him but they did not succeed, Isma'il in a poem addressed his friend Ibn Anas as follows:
áÚãÑß ãÇ Åáì ÍÓä ÑÍáäÇ æ áÇ ÒÑäÇ ÍÓíäÇð íÇ Èä ÇäÓ
“O Ibn Anas by you we did not go to meet Hasan and Husayn.” [1674]
He implied that if they had gone to those two brothers, never would they have returned empty-handed. It is narrated that some one went to meet Imam Hasan while needy.
Imam told him, “Write down whatsoever you need antd then give it to me”. When the man gave him the list of what he needed, Imam offered him twice as much. [1675] It is pointed out elsewhere that during his lifetime Imam granted three times each time half as much as the property he had for Allah's sake. [1676]
A man named Abu Harun recounted, “On our way to Medina for pilgrimage we decided to drop in on the Prophet's son. Visiting him, we talked about our Journey. When we returned, he sent us each four hundred Dinars. We went back to him and said that our condition was okay. He answered, áÇ ÊÑÏøæÇ Úáíø ãÚÑæÝí [1677] “Reject not my generosity.”
Imam Hasan was told, Ýíß ÚÙãÉ “You are great enough.” Imam said, áÇ Èá ÚÒóøÉ¡ ÞÇá Çááå ÊÚÇáì, Ýááøå ÇáÚöÒóøÉõ æáÑÓæáå æááãÄãäíä “It is not greatness but honor. Allah has stated that honor belongs to both Allah and His Apostle as well as the believers.” [1678]
After the compromise, the Kufa's Shi'ite Muslims who came to Hijaz for pilgrimage constantly were in touch with Imam during his eight or nine-year residence in Medina. It was natural that they had approved him as their Imam and tried to avail themselves of him ideologically.
A man from Damascus recounted,”One day I ran in to a handsome and serene man wearing smartly on horseback. I asked who he was. They said he was Hasan Ibn 'Ali Ibn Abi Talib (a). I was filled with rage and felt jealous of 'Ali Ibn Abi Talib for having such a unique son.
I approached him asking, “Are you 'Ali's son?” As soon as I heard his positive answer, I heaped abusive words onto him as many as I could. When I stopped he asked me if I was a stranger. “Yes”, I replied.
Then kindly he said, “If you have no place to live, I give it to you, if you need money, I pay you”. I parted him while I had no one as dear as him in my heart”. [1679]
Imam Hasan’s Martydom
One of Mu'awiya's unforgivable crimes is martyring Imam Hasan (a) who was the apple of the Apostle's eye about which there is no doubt historically. As usual, Mu'awiya hatched a plot and prompted Ju'da, Imam's wife and cursed Ash'ath Ibn Qays's daughter, to kill her husband.
When Medina was plundered in the course of Harra event in 63 AH. this cursed woman's house was plundered too. Nevertheless, due to her cooperation in her husband's murder, her properties all were back. The report of Imam's martyrdom by Ju'da as well as Mu'awiya's conspiracy is recorded in numerous sources. [1680]
As narrated by Haytham Ibn 'Adi, Imam had been poisoned by Suhayl Ibn 'Amr's daughter prompted by Mu'awiya. [1681] The poison had Imam stay in bed ill for forty days until he achieved martyrdom. [1682]
Miswar's daughter, Umm Bakr said, “Imam had been poisoned many times. Although each time he survived, the last time the poison was so strong that it made the pieces of his liver come out through his throat.” [1683]
After he was martyred, he was supposed to be buried next to the Prophet's grave according to his last will, but 'Ayisha and Marwan, the ruler of Medina then, did not allow. Imam had advised that if they faced any problem, he should be buried in Baqi'. [1684] 'Ayisha did reveal his sheer spite towards Zahra (a), Her Excellency, and her son once more. No sooner had Imam's corpse been approached to the Prophet's grave than 'Ayisha warned, åÐÇ ÇáÃãÑ áÇíßæä ÇÈÏÇð “Under no circumstances, such an action is possible.” [1685]
Both Abu Sa'id Khudri and Abu Hurayra addressed Marwan, “Do you prevent Hasan from being buried beside his forefather whereas the Apostle (S) had called him the master of the youth in Heaven?”
“If such individuals as you, said Marwan sarcastically, did not narrate the Prophet's hadiths, they would be dissolved soon.” [1686]
Muhammad Ibn Hanafiyya has narrated that when Imam was killed, Medina turned thoroughly mournful and all people wept. It was Marwan who let Mu'awiya know saying him,”They want to bury Hasan by the Prophet, but as long as I am alive, I will never allow them.”
Imam Husayn come up to the Prophet's grave and ordered to dig the ground. Sa'id Ibn 'As who was Medina governor pulled back but Marwan commanded the Umayyads to be armed on alert.
“It is impossible to let you”, said Marwan.
“It is non of your concern”, Imam Husayn (a) told him.
“You are not the governor, are you?” Marwan answered.
“No, but as long as I am alive, I will never let you do this”.
Imam Husayn (a) asked Hilf al-Fuďul (the agreement reached during pre-Islamic period for ensuring the safty of the pilgrims) who were always with the Hashimites for help. A number of people belonging to the tribes of Taym, Zuhra, Asad and Ja'uba took up arms then. Imam Husayn (a) and Marwan holding a flag in hand each opened fire on each other.
Yet a group of people demanded Imam to practice the will Imam Hasan had made.”If there were a probability that someone be killed, bury me beside my mother in Baqi'.” At last they could convince Imam Husayn. [1687] As inferred form another narration, Marwan who was deposed by then was intent to make Mu'awiya gratified with him by such an action. [1688] When Marwan flourished to change Imam's mind, he reported to Mu'awiya in a bombastic manner. [1689]
He said,”How is it possible to see the son of 'Uthman's murderer buried next to the prophet but 'Uthman in Baqi'?” [1690] Beyond any doubt, Marwan had been among the wickedest figures of the Umayyads throughout whose term as Medina governor cursed Imam 'Ali as well as the Hashimites.
Some believe that Imam was martyred in Rabi' al-Awwal, 49H. While some others have recorded it Rabi' al-Awwal, 50 H. [1691] The former seems to be more reliable. As soon as Imam was martyred, the Hashimites sent some persons to different spots of Medina and the suburbs to inform Ansar. Reportedly, no one could ever stay at home. [1692]
The Hashimites women moaned his loss all day long for a month. [1693] Tabari has quoted Imam al-Baqir (a) as saying that Medina people shut their shops mourning for him for seven days. [1694] He added that in Imam's burial ceremony the participants were so many that there was no elbow- room. [1695] News of Imam's martyrdom in Basra led the Shi'ite Muslims there to mourn. [1696]
After Imam Mujtaba's demise, Kufiyan Shi'ite Muslims wrote a letter of consolation to Imam Husayn (a), in which Imam's demise was regarded, on one hand, a tragedy for all Umma and particularly for Shi'ite Muslims, on other hand.
This shows formation of “Shi'a” and even its terminological usage around 50 H. They talked about Imam Mujtaba (a) with these titles, ”'Alam al-Huda and Nur al-Bilad”, someone who was hoped to raise up religion and rehabilitation of conduct of the righteous people. They hoped God would return Imam Husayn's right to him. [1697] The letter had to be considered as one of the documents forming Imamate and ideological Shi'a in Kufa.
'Amr Ba'ja says, “The first humiliation that befell to Arabs was Imam Mujtaba's demise. [1698]
Notes:
[1507] Musnad Ibn Ja‘d, vol. I, p. 527 the report was denied that Qatada in the second century heard that there be a number in Basra who claimed that they considered ‘Ali superior to ‘Uthman “By Allah, no resident before you had ever believed so”, he said
[1508] These Shi‘ites Muslems were mostly political and they never believed that Imam Hasan (a) was oppointed by Allah as an Imam
[1509] al-Irshad,Vol II,p. 10;al-Fusul al-Muhimma,p. 147;Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, pp 46, 56; Manaqib, Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 32; Sulh al-imam al-Hasan (a), pp 68-69
[1510] Later you will see how Imam Mujtaba has proved it
[1511] See the section about “Caliph II’s Agent”
[1512] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 199
[1513] al-Irshad, vol. I, p. 281 æãÇ ßäÊ ãÊÍÑíÇð áÇÍßã ÈÝÓÇÏ äÝÓí I sought not my ruin through thy reform
[1514] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 70
[1515] al-Irshad, vol. I, p. 283 íÇ ÇÔÈÇå ÇáÅÈá ÛÇÈ ÚäåÇ ÑÚÇÊåÇ¡ ˜áãÇ ÇÌÊãÚÊ ãä ÌÇäÈ ÊÝÑÞÊ ãä ÌæÇäÈ ÃÎÑì Thou look like camels left unharnessed by camel drivers, if they are gathered on one side, they shall be dispersed on the other side
[1516] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. X, p. 67
[1517] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XI, p. 29 æÞÏ ÃÍÈÈÊã ÇáÈÞÇÁ æáíÓ áí Ãä ÃÍãáßã Úáì ãÇ ÊßÑåæä “Thou preferred to stay, so I have not the right to force thee to do something unpleasing to thee ”
[1518] Ibid vol. II, p. 193; Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 418
[1519] Although the killed on Imam’s side were a few, many Kharijites who were killed were from Kufa people’s relatives
[1520] Such as Tarjamat al-Hasan from Ibn ‘Asakir in Tarikh Dimashq and Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan from Ibn Sa‘d in Tabaqat al-Kubra
[1521] Nur al-absar, pp 119-120, Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 24; Na³m Durar As-SimTayn, p. 195
[1522] al-Mustadrak, Hukaym Niyshaburi, vol. III, pp 147, 173; al-Ithaf bi-hubb al-Ashraf, p. 34
[1523] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), Ibn Sa‘d, p. 134
[1524] al-Hayat As-Siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan, pp 24,44
[1525] Fara’id As-SimTayn, vol. II, p. 68
[1526] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 49
[1527] al-Hayat As-Siasiyya Li-Imam al-Hasan, p. 27 According to a narration in Kashf al-ghumma, vol. I, p. 550, Mu‘awiya tried to call Hasan (a) and Husayn (a) Imam ‘Ali’s sons not the Prophet’s
[1528] al-Ithaf, p. 34
[1529] It will be discussed later
[1530] al-Amali, Shiykh Tusi, vol. II, p. 172; Bahj As-Sabaqa, vol. III, p. 448; Hayat al-Hayawan, vol. I, p. 58; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, pp 30,56; Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 34
[1531] Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p. 139; Na³m Durar As-SimTayn, p. 195
[1532] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 126
[1533] Ibid p. 167; Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p. 139
[1534] Tahdhib al-tahdhib, vol. II, p. 299; Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, pp 138-139; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IV, p. 212; al-Ithaf, p. 35
[1535] Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p. 132
[1536] Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p. 243; Tarjamat al-imam al-Husayn Ibn ‘Asakir, pp 145-146
[1537] Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 121
[1538] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II,p. 12 According to this narration, Hasan has objected to Imam ‘Ali (a) It is true but this Hasan had been Hasan Basri not Imam Mujtaba
[1539] Professor Sayyid Ja’far Murtaďa is skeptical of this issue al-Hayat As-Siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan, pp 149-150
[1540] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 15; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 63
[1541] al-Hayat As-Siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan (a), p. 113; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VIII, p. 253; al-Ghadir, vol. VIII, p. 301; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 172
[1542] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 297; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. V, p. 233; Manaqib, Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. III, pp 186,199
[1543] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 114
[1544] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 160; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 26; Ibn Sa‘d(219) has referred to such a reaction by Imam Husayn (a)
[1545] Na³m Durar As-SimTayn, p. 205; Rawďa al-Wa‘i³in, p. 168; Manaqib, Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 44; Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p. 142
[1546] In historical books it is mentioned that after Imam ‘Ali’s martyrdom he took power with the allegiance of those present in Kufa In Tarikh al-khulafa’, SuyuTi, Mas‘udi has said that considering Imam Hasan’s caliphate the narration of ÇáÎáÇÝÉ ÈÚÏí ËáÇËæä ÓäÉ “The caliphate after me is thirty years” Would be right as seen in some historical books Later, he referring to the duration of each caliph had confirmed the caliphate until the early third century
[1547] Tabaqat Ash-Shu‘ara’, p. 109; al-Imta‘ wa l-Mu’anisa, vol. III, p. 170
[1548] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. X, p. 67
[1549] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VI, p. 30; vol. VII, p. 282
[1550] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 171
[1551] Maqtal Amir al-Mu‘minin, p. 61, Ibn Abi l-Dunya has said that no successor ‘Ali introduced
[1552] Majma‘ al-bayan, vol. II, p. 403; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p. 159; al-Irshad, p. 220
[1553] Waq‘at Siffin, pp 424-425 (Siffin Battle, p. 580); Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 34
[1554] al-Futuh, vol. III, p. 147
[1555] al-Irshad, vol. II, p. 8 In a book by Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I6, pp 30-31 and Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 33 the word of successor is not referred to
[1556] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 151;( in Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, Isfahani, p. 36 and) Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I6, p. 24, it is narrated, æ áÇäøí ÇáãÓáãæä ÇáÇãÑ ãä ÈÚÏå “After him, I am Muslims’ leader” The difference between the two is clear
[1557] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 474
[1558] al-Aghani, vol. I1, p. 116
[1559] Bihar al-anwar, vol. IV4, p. 43
[1560] al-Hayat As-Siyasiyya li l-Imam al-Hasan, pp 48-49
[1561] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 431
[1562] It is the first part of the verse to the last part which only was referred in the narration
[1563] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 33; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp 30-31; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 167; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 28; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. III, pp 526-527
[1564] Muruj al-dhahab, Vol II, p. 432 (The Women, 83
[1565] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), Ibn Sa‘d, p. 167
[1566] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp 33-36 (simplified); al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp 151-153; Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, pp 64-68
[1567] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 31 Mu‘awiya wrote to Muhammad Ibn Abu Bakr “You father and I knew well that ‘Ali was superior but after the Prophet passed away”, ÝßÇä ÃÈæß æÝÇÑæÞå Ãæøá ãä ÇÈÊÒø ÍÞøå æÎÇáÝå Úáì ÃãÑå “Your father and his horrible friend were the first ones who usurped his right and opposed him” Muruj al-dhahab, vol. III, pp 11-13
[1568] Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 28
[1569] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 158
[1570] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp 22, 28
[1571] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 156
[1572] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 31
[1573] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 133; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 105, No 315
[1574] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 154-155; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 158; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 29
[1575] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 29
[1576] al-Irshad, vol. II, p. 9
[1577] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, pp 62-68
[1578] Ibid p. 62; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 31; al-Irshad, vol. II, p. 9
[1579] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 66
[1580] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 26
[1581] ’Anfal, p. 46
[1582] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 69
[1583] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 181
[1584] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, pp 70-71
[1585] Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 44
[1586] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 158; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, p. 196
[1587] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VIII, p. 14
[1588] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 64
[1589] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 153; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 61
[1590] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 71; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 214; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 167
[1591] Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, pp 138-139
[1592] Sulh al-Hasan, Al Yasin, p. 123
[1593] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 168
[1594] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 176
[1595] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 34
[1596] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 71; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 40
[1597] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 216
[1598] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 215
[1599] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 72
[1600] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 167,169,170; al-Mu‘jam al-Kabir, Vol III, p. 96, No 2761; Majma‘ al-Zawa’id, vol. VI, p. 167
[1601] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 37
[1602] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 73
[1603] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 38
[1604] Ibid, vol. III, p. 38
[1605] Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, p. 74; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, pp 39-40
[1606] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 38
[1607] Ibid vol. III, p. 39
[1608] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 215
[1609] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 169
[1610] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 157; compare with Imam’s distorted remarks in Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 39
[1611] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VIII, p. 14; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 205
[1612] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 215.
[1613] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, pp 178-179; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 406; (A‘lam al-Din) p. 181; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 21; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, p. 199
[1614] Tadhkirat al-Khawas, p. 197
[1615] Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 48
[1616] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p. 42
[1617] Ibid
[1618] al-Irshad, vol. II, p. 13
[1619] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XVI, p. 22
[1620] Risalat Jahi³ fi Banu Umayya printed in ‘Asr Ma’mun, vol. III, p. 7
[1621] ’I‘lam al-wara, p. 205; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 20; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p. 175
[1622] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 405
[1623] al-Gharat, p. 173 (Persian version
[1624] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 208; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. II, p. 220; vol. XI, p. 29
[1625] al-Gharat, p. 185
[1626] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), Ibn ‘Asakir, pp 178-179; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 406; A‘lam al-Din, p. 181; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 21; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, p. 199
[1627] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 220
[1628] Akhbar al-Tiwal p. 217
[1629] Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 147; pp 45-46
[1630] Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 19; Tuhaf al-‘Uqul, p. 227; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p. 175; Fara’id As-SimTayn, vol. II, p. 120
[1631] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 220; Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 35
[1632] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 221
[1633] ‘Ilal Ash-Shara’I‘, vol. I, p. 211; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p. 174
[1634] Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, pp 29, 57; Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 35; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p. 170
[1635] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 203
[1636] ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, pp 169-170
[1637] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 338; Tarjamat l-Imam l-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 203 (footnote
[1638] Fara’id As-SimTayn, vol. II, p. 124; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 19
[1639] Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 25; Rawďa al-kafi, p. 330
[1640] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 178
[1641] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 23; al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VIII, p. 26; Usd al-ghaba, vol. II, p. 20; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II p. 247; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, p. 197
[1642] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 150; Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 221; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 187
[1643] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 222
[1644] As an example, see Zuhri’s report in Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 168
[1645] al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp 158-160
[1646] al-Futuh (translated by Muhammad Mustuwfi Hirawi into Persian), pp 765-766
[1647] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, pp 41-42
[1648] al-Manaqib, vol. IV, p. 33
[1649] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 22
[1650] al-Fusul al-Muhimma, pp 162-163; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p. 172
[1651] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, pp 172,178
[1652] Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 74; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, pp 176-177; Akhbar al-Tiwal, pp 217-218
[1653] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 176; A‘lam al-Wara, p. 206
[1654] For instance it was said that according to the verse of ãóÇ ÃóÝóÇÁó Çááóøåõ Úóáóì ÑóÓõæáöåö ãöäú Ãóåúáö ÇáúÞõÑóì Ýóáöáóøåö æóáöáÑóøÓõæáö æóáöÐöí ÇáúÞõÑúÈóì “What God granted His Messenger (S) belongs to Him, the Prophet and his descendants” Imam had a share in Bayt al-Mal, so he had claimed his proportion Bihar al-anwar, Vol IV4, p. 10 (footnote); another justification was that Imam had asked the tributes of Darabjird for the families of Jamal and Siffin martyrs; Bihar al-anwar, Vol XXXXVI, p. 3; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, Vol XVI, pp 182, 187, 188
[1655] Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IV p. 224; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, p. 198
[1656] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 48; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 29
[1657] al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 14; ‘Umdat al-Talib, p. 67
[1658] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XVI, p. 21
[1659] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 171, 172
[1660] Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p. 140; Na³m Durar As-SimTayn, pp 200-101; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 42; al-Mahasin wa l-Masawi, vol. I, p. 53; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 173; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 43
[1661] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, pp 44-46; al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 163; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 46
[1662] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 46
[1663] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 52; al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 168
[1664] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 54
[1665] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 130-131
[1666] Ibid Ibn Sa‘d, p. 163
[1667] Ibid Ibn Sa‘d, p. 139; Sunan al-Tirmidhi, vol. V, p. 661
[1668] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 138; Musnad Ahmad, vol. V, p. 366; Mustadrak, vol. III, p. 173
[1669] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 138,143; Tadhkirat Tayalisi, No 2502; Tadhkirat Ahmad, vol. II, p. 440; al-Mustadrak, vo III, p. 166
[1670] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 138; al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VIII, p. 35
[1671] Akhbar Isbahan, vol. I, p. 44
[1672] Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 73
[1673] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 159
[1674] al-Aghani, vol. IV, p. 419
[1675] al-Mahasin wa l-Masawi, p. 55
[1676] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 159; Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 73; Tadhkirat al-Khawas, p. 196
[1677] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 155
[1678] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. III, p. 177
[1679] al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. I, p. 235
[1680] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 175-176; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, pp 55-88 Professor Mahmudi has quoted the report above from many sources in the footnotes of the mentioned pages Yet, Ibn Khaldun, with his religious Prejudice and unlike all historical proof, has said, æÍÇÔÇ áãÚÇæíÉ Ðáß “Never ever can Mu‘awiya do so ” Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. II, part 2, p. 18
[1681] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 59
[1682] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 176
[1683] al-Muntakhab Min Dhiyl al-Mudhayyal, p. 514
[1684] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, pp 61, 64; footnotes of pp 61-62
[1685] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 184
[1686] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 65; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 184-185
[1687] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 177-179
[1688] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 180, 187
[1689] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d,, p. 188
[1690] Ibid p. 183 ‘Uthman was not even buried in Baqi‘ because people prevented
[1691] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 66; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 183, 189, 190
[1692] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 181; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, No 371
[1693] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 182; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, No 338
[1694] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 182
[1695] al-Muntakhab Dhiyl al-Mudhayyal, p. 514; al-Mustadrak ‘ala l-sahihayn, vol. III, p. 173; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘dp 182; Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, No 372
[1696] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V, p. 224
[1697] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 228
[1698] Ibn Sa‘d, Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), p. 183
|
